The effort included “non-public efforts to control [the Mueller probe], and efforts in both private and public to encourage witnesses not to cooperate with the investigation.”
Special Counsel Robert Mueller found that President Trump tried to control the investigation of Russian interference in the 2016 election and encouraged witnesses not to cooperate—but Attorney General William Barr decided that wasn’t a crime.
At a press conference ahead of the Mueller report’s release, Barr went out of his way to explain how he disagreed with Mueller’s legal theories and explain away Trump’s behavior. Barr proclaimed Trump’s innocence and justified the president’s actions as the understandable behavior of a man persecuted by political opponents.
But when the report was finally released to the public, it outlined 10 episodes of possible obstruction of justice by Trump, including: ordering James Comey to drop the FBI investigation into national security advisor Michael Flynn; directing the White House counsel to fire Mueller; dictating a message to Attorney General Jeff Sessions to limit the Mueller probe; telling witnesses publicly not to cooperate; having Cohen not contradict him in congressional testimony about Trump Tower Moscow.
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“The president engaged in... conduct involving public attacks on the investigation, non-public efforts to control it, and efforts in both private and public to encourage witnesses not cooperate with the investigation.”
— Mueller Report
Flynn was subsequently charged with lying to the FBI about discussing sanctions relief with Russia’s ambassador to the United States. The report found some evidence suggests Trump knew what Flynn was talking about, but investigators couldn’t establish the president’s knowledge.
Nevertheless, the report said when Trump asked Comey he hoped the FBI would stop investigating Flynn, there was no mistake about what the president wanted.
After Comey refused to drop the investigation or clear Trump’s name publicly, the president fired him in May 2017 (leading to Mueller’s appointment.) That’s when the president’s behavior entered a new stage.
“At that point, the president engaged in a second phase of conduct involving public attacks on the investigation, non-public efforts to control it, and efforts in both private and public to encourage witnesses not cooperate with the investigation,” according to the report.
On Trump’s efforts to dissuade cooperation, Mueller’s report said, “if the likely effect of public acts is to influence witnesses or alter their testimony, the harm to the justice system’s integrity is the same.”
The report states Mueller did not make a judgement on whether Trump committed an offense, but adds that it does not exonerate him either.
The report states Mueller did not make a judgement on whether Trump committed an offense, but adds that it does not exonerate him either.
Barr spun the findings of the investigation before releasing the report.
Over the past four weeks, Barr has worked to redact portions of Mueller’s report that contained grand jury information, classified intelligence, and what he said were allegations that could disparage people who were not charged with crimes.
Mueller’s office indicted 34 people—more than any other special counsel in history—including high-level figures in Trump’s world: former senior campaign officials Paul Manafort and Richard Gates, long-time political advisor Roger Stone, former national security advisor Michael Flynn, and former Trump Organization attorney Michael Cohen.
The Cohen case involving hush money paid to Trump’s purported mistresses was handed off to federal prosecutors in Manhattan who implicated the president in the illegal scheme.
The special counsel’s investigation started in dramatic fashion: Mueller was appointed by Rosenstein after Trump fired FBI Director James Comey in May 2017, an act Mueller investigated for possible obstruction of justice. Trump reportedly considered firing Mueller that summer, a veritable sword that hung over the special counsel as Trump publicly fumed about the investigation he variously called illegal or a hoax since it started.
Mueller has not said a word publicly in almost two years, creating a ravenous appetite to learn what would be in his report.
But even before the report’s release, the story of Mueller’s work was hidden in plain sight: a global conspiracy centered in the Kremlin to elect Trump as president.
In an unprecedented attack on political infrastructure of the United States, military officers in Russia hacked into Democrats’ computers, stole emails, and release them to embarrass Hillary Clinton. The plot was first hatched years earlier, according to Mueller’s team, when Russians began studying how to manipulate Americans and turn them against each other, with one key lesson being to exploit the country’s racism. Working from a “troll farm” in St. Petersburg, Russians spread anti-Clinton fake news and pro-Trump propaganda across Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, and Instagram—all the while Silicon Valley slept.
At the same time, Russians approached the Trump campaign with promises of “dirt” on Clinton in the form of emails and offers for Trump to meet Russian President Vladimir Putin. In both cases, the offers apparently went unrealized. Mueller’s investigation also revealed Russia offered to help Trump build a skyscraper in Moscow while he ran for president—contrary to his repeated statements he had “no business in Russia”—with Trump’s former attorney Michael Cohen calling the Kremlin for assistance.
Though the Trump campaign was not accused by Mueller of colluding with Russia, the investigation revealed it spoke to two figures adjacent to Moscow’s scheme. Campaign chairman Paul Manafort gave polling data to Konstantin Kilimnik, who Mueller says is linked to Russian intelligence. (Their meeting goes to the “heart” of the investigation, Mueller’s team said in a court hearing that remains partially redacted.) Roger Stone, a former Trump advisor and long-time friend, allegedly asked WikiLeaks through intermediaries about upcoming email releases.
Finally, Mueller’s investigation exposed Washington corruption that was seen as just another way of doing business: unregistered foreign lobbying. Manafort and Gates were charged with illegally lobbying D.C. on behalf of Ukrainian political interests. Democratic power players Tony Podesta and Greg Craig were also investigated for the same violations, with Craig being indicted this month after Mueller’s investigation finished.
Mueller’s office indicted 34 people—more than any other special counsel in history—including high-level figures in Trump’s world: former senior campaign officials Paul Manafort and Richard Gates, long-time political advisor Roger Stone, former national security advisor Michael Flynn, and former Trump Organization attorney Michael Cohen.
The Cohen case involving hush money paid to Trump’s purported mistresses was handed off to federal prosecutors in Manhattan who implicated the president in the illegal scheme.
The special counsel’s investigation started in dramatic fashion: Mueller was appointed by Rosenstein after Trump fired FBI Director James Comey in May 2017, an act Mueller investigated for possible obstruction of justice. Trump reportedly considered firing Mueller that summer, a veritable sword that hung over the special counsel as Trump publicly fumed about the investigation he variously called illegal or a hoax since it started.
Mueller has not said a word publicly in almost two years, creating a ravenous appetite to learn what would be in his report.
But even before the report’s release, the story of Mueller’s work was hidden in plain sight: a global conspiracy centered in the Kremlin to elect Trump as president.
In an unprecedented attack on political infrastructure of the United States, military officers in Russia hacked into Democrats’ computers, stole emails, and release them to embarrass Hillary Clinton. The plot was first hatched years earlier, according to Mueller’s team, when Russians began studying how to manipulate Americans and turn them against each other, with one key lesson being to exploit the country’s racism. Working from a “troll farm” in St. Petersburg, Russians spread anti-Clinton fake news and pro-Trump propaganda across Facebook, Twitter, YouTube, and Instagram—all the while Silicon Valley slept.
At the same time, Russians approached the Trump campaign with promises of “dirt” on Clinton in the form of emails and offers for Trump to meet Russian President Vladimir Putin. In both cases, the offers apparently went unrealized. Mueller’s investigation also revealed Russia offered to help Trump build a skyscraper in Moscow while he ran for president—contrary to his repeated statements he had “no business in Russia”—with Trump’s former attorney Michael Cohen calling the Kremlin for assistance.
Though the Trump campaign was not accused by Mueller of colluding with Russia, the investigation revealed it spoke to two figures adjacent to Moscow’s scheme. Campaign chairman Paul Manafort gave polling data to Konstantin Kilimnik, who Mueller says is linked to Russian intelligence. (Their meeting goes to the “heart” of the investigation, Mueller’s team said in a court hearing that remains partially redacted.) Roger Stone, a former Trump advisor and long-time friend, allegedly asked WikiLeaks through intermediaries about upcoming email releases.
Finally, Mueller’s investigation exposed Washington corruption that was seen as just another way of doing business: unregistered foreign lobbying. Manafort and Gates were charged with illegally lobbying D.C. on behalf of Ukrainian political interests. Democratic power players Tony Podesta and Greg Craig were also investigated for the same violations, with Craig being indicted this month after Mueller’s investigation finished.
The nearly 400-page report will be handed over to Congress where Democrats have said they are prepared to sue the Justice Department to see Mueller’s findings in their entirety.
- Justin Miller, Betsy Woodruff
My take: This final emergence of the report has been a yawner, I sure haven't lost any sleep over it and in fact have been focused on more prescient matters.
It was predictable that established special interests would try to protect the servants of the established. If responsible men are not going to see that the truth is revealed in full about such a serious issue as interference and impairment of our elections so that responsible men can in the future avoid it or wisely resist it then what are we even doing in this political life's play. Time for a whole new show and it's coming.
- Justin Miller, Betsy Woodruff
My take: This final emergence of the report has been a yawner, I sure haven't lost any sleep over it and in fact have been focused on more prescient matters.
It was predictable that established special interests would try to protect the servants of the established. If responsible men are not going to see that the truth is revealed in full about such a serious issue as interference and impairment of our elections so that responsible men can in the future avoid it or wisely resist it then what are we even doing in this political life's play. Time for a whole new show and it's coming.
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